Politics of Language and Language Policy in Southern States of India: Resistance from Tamil Nadu

Mr. Nishanth.K.N.,

Research Scholar,

Department of P.G. Studies and Research in English,

Kuvempu University, Jnana Sahyadri, Shankaraghatta,

Karnataka-577451.

Email address: nishanthkn03@gmail.com

Ph.no.:8892043287

Abstract

Language functions as a crucial mechanism for communication, identity, and social cohesion, while also serving as a site of conflict and power dynamics among political factions and communities. The emergence of nationalism in modern times has notably emphasized language as a unifying factor. In nations such as France, Germany, and Spain, existing language policies have designated specific languages as national symbols, often aimed at fostering unity among diverse populations. Globally, issues concerning language in politics are common. In many cases across different continents, the order of languages often shows the impact of colonial authorities. The politics surrounding language is especially prominent in multicultural societies, where various linguistic communities fight for identity, acknowledgment, rights, and resources. In this article, I explore the intricate relationship between language and politics in India mainly resistance from the Tamil Nadu over Hindi imposition, emphasizing language rights and language policy.

Keywords: Language, Language policy, Multilingual society, Politics of Language in Tamil Nadu.

Language serves as a vital instrument for human interaction, yet its effects go beyond simply transmitting information. The politics of language involves the intricate connection between language and power dynamics, influencing socio-political identities, cultural hierarchies, and interactions among communities. Exploring these dynamics shows that language acts not just as a channel for expression but also as a venue for cultural and political power struggles.

At the heart of the politics of language is the concept of linguistic imperialism, where powerful languages, frequently associated with political and economic influence, push aside languages that are less commonly spoken. This occurrence is common in past colonial settings, where the language of the colonizers is formalized, leading to a decline in the status of native languages. For example, in various African nations, colonial languages such as English and French serve as official languages in administration and education, creating a linguistic hierarchy that favours those who speak these languages while marginalizing speakers of indigenous languages.

Additionally, the function of language in forming identity is crucial for comprehending its political aspects. For numerous communities, language acts as a fundamental element of cultural identity. When a language faces threats or extinction, as observed with numerous indigenous languages globally, an important part of cultural heritage is similarly endangered. Advocates for language preservation emphasize that the richness of languages is fundamentally connected to regional culture and individual identity. Therefore, it is important to preserve language and its revitalization as part of the broader context of social justice.

The emergence of nationalism in the modern era has prominently featured language as a unifying force. In nations such as France, Germany and Japan, established linguistic policies have codified specific languages as national symbols, often aiming to foster unity among diverse populations. National languages frequently serve as emblems of national identity and pride. In multilingual nations, language policies play a vital role in promoting social unity or, on the other hand, intensifying ethnic conflicts. Language legislation in nations such as Canada, characterized by its official bilingualism policy, represents efforts to harmonize national unity with the acknowledgment of cultural diversity. Conversely, nations that promote a single national language frequently foster feelings of alienation in linguistic minorities, resulting in social division and discord.

Alongside nationalism, language politics also encompasses education and resource accessibility. Language skills can influence socioeconomic prospects. Those proficient in the prevailing language frequently have enhanced access to quality education and job opportunities. This occurrence creates a cycle of advantage, in which language obstacles sustain inequity. As a result, discussions about language education policy, such as bilingual education and immersion programs, serve as essential areas where socio-political beliefs emerge, affecting which languages are esteemed and encouraged in public discussions.

Additionally, the emergence of globalization has changed the dynamics of language politics. The spread of English as a worldwide common language affects international relations, trade, and culture. Though the proliferation of English can enhance worldwide interaction, it simultaneously brings up issues of language uniformity and cultural dominance. The prevalence of English can overshadow native languages, resulting in blended communication styles that might compromise linguistic authenticity but also foster innovative, vibrant exchanges between cultures.

The politics of language also connects with matters of power and opposition. Language frequently serves as a battleground for marginalized communities striving to affirm their identities and autonomy. Social movements have employed language purposefully to contest prevailing narratives and restore cultural identities. For instance, employing minority languages in media, literature, and political discussions acts not just as a form of defiance but also as a tool for political mobilization, promoting unity among speakers of the minority language.

India, commonly called a subcontinent because of its immense diversity, hosts numerous languages and dialects that showcase its vibrant cultural legacy. The language landscape of the nation goes beyond mere communication; it is connected to identity, social systems, politics, and education. As per the 2011 Census, India is home to more than 1,600 languages, with 22 of them officially acknowledged in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. This linguistic diversity derives from the nation's extensive historical, ethnic, and cultural tapestry, influenced by centuries of migration, commerce, colonial rule, and globalization.

The essence of the linguistic landscape in India is found not just in the vast array of languages spoken but also in the sociopolitical dynamics they represent and the regulations that oversee their usage. India acknowledges 22 officially scheduled languages, with 14 languages included initially. In 1967, Sindhi was added, followed by Konkani, Manipuri, and Nepali in 1992. Recently, Bodo, Dogri, Maithili, and Santhali have been added.

In India the linguistic diversity presents itself both challenges and opportunities in governance, education, and social integration. But politics is another matter that take the toll on the languages across the nation. Article 29 section (1) of the Indian constitution guarantees ‘Any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to conserve the same’. The article ensures, protection of minority interests, right to conserve language, script and culture, right to residence and Distinct identity.

The upheaval of language politics in India began much earlier than the independence in 1937. At that time, the initial Congress ministry in the Madras Presidency, led by C. Rajagopalachari, chose to implement Hindi as a mandatory subject in educational institutions. The action ignited a backlash, particularly from Tamil political groups and activists, who perceived it as a blatant assault on Tamil identity. Periyar E.V. Ramasamy’s Self-Respect Movement was determined and they initiated a strong opposition. The demonstrations were huge, with over 1,100 individuals detained, including Periyar and CN Annadurai, who subsequently established the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam or DMK. Finally, in February 1940, the directive was deescalated.

In 1946, another effort was made to bring back Hindi in the schools of the Madras Presidency. On this occasion, Annadurai represented and stood firm opposing this stance. The government retreated once more, and the action was stopped. Again, after independence, in 1949 the constituent assembly wanted to make Hindi as official language but, the debates and protests started to stop it. Annadurai in one of his speeches gave befitting reply to the compulsion of Hindi language in Madras Presidency, opposingly said Please do not think that you can integrate the country only by language, did you speak in Hindi to me asking me to support the government of India against foreign aggression? No, Loyalty to the country is composed of various kinds of loyalties and loyalty to our language is not less in intensity. Finally, all agreed upon making English a link between the southern states and the centre. In 1956 linguistic states are formed based on major regional languages.

Many of the statesmen from the centre and cabinet tried to convince that Hindi language has numerical superiority and its best for administration across India. But C N Annadurai countering the argument sarcastically said,

“If we had to accept the principle of numerical superiority while selecting our national bird, the choice would have fallen not on the peacock but on the common crow”. (Raman, Illustrated weekly of India)

In 1959, Jawaharlal Nehru assured in parliament that English language would continue in the use as long as non-Hindi speaking people wanted it. But during Lal Bahadur Shastri government centre tried to implement Hindi across the southern states but protests from many cabinet ministers from the south stopped it. Namely C. Subramaniam and O.V. Alagesan, ministers under Lal Bahadur Shastri’s administration resigned from their posts as a sign of protest.

The Official Languages Act of 1963 came into being in 1963, and it specifies the languages that are to be utilized for official activities of the Union, Parliament, Central and State legislation, and High Courts within India. It was established to tackle language-related concerns, especially about the use of Hindi and English as official languages. Due to protests from the Tamil Nadu, English has been used as a language for interstate communication in southern states and to avert possible protests in southern parts of India.

Then came The Official Language Rules, 1976, consist of guidelines in India that regulate the use of Hindi and English for official functions, especially in the Central Government. These regulations, established under the Official Languages Act of 1963, outline the usage of these languages in different official settings such as communications, documents, and internal processes. The committee of parliament on official language under section 4 consists 20 Lok Sabha MP’s and 10 Rajya Sabha MPs headed by Home Minister to give reports on progress of the issues regarding official languages.

The committee presents a report on the progress of Hindi as an official language, along with the current implementation status and opinions, while also aiming to suggest and propose recommendations related to language policy and usage. The committee’s suggestion initiated 'Hindi Diwas' to promote the Hindi language in the southern and northeastern states. In September 2022, under Home Minister Amit Shah, the committee presented its Eleventh Report, and the committee's suggestions are

·      English is permitted in all technical and non-technical institutions only where it is absolutely essential.

·      Gradually replacing English with Hindi.

·      Replacing English with Hindi in central government exams (Candidates should have requisite knowledge of Hindi).

·      Only English is replaced with Hindi not local languages.

·      To develop interstate communication in Hindi.

Once more, this faces significant resistance; a writer from the southern state remarked that if we desire interstate communication, we must either learn the state's language or we will learn English. We do not dislike Hindi itself, but the enforcement of Hindi upon us. Numerous writers, thinkers, and politicians have asserted that it is not an anti-Hindi movement but rather an agitation against the imposition of Hindi.

Linguistic states are formed for the reason that other states couldn’t be bothered with imposition of language and specific cultures and ensure to preserve their distinctness. This is the reason Gujarat split from Bombay presidency, Andhra Pradesh from Madras, Odisha from Bengal Presidency, Chhattisgarh from Madhya Pradesh, and numerous areas are seeking to break away from states, advocating for separate states due to language and cultural concerns of diversity.

Tamil Nadu opposed the three-language policy and implemented a two-language approach consisting of the mother tongue Tamil and the second language English. The centre continued to urge the adoption of Hindi as the third language for communication between states and the central government, but political actions from Tamil Nadu opposed this initiative.

As per NPE 1968, states where Hindi is spoken should include a contemporary Indian language, ideally a southern Indian language, in addition to Hindi and English. States that do not speak Hindi were to incorporate Hindi, their native language, and English. The policy was strengthened in NPE 1986 and its 1992 update to establish a national consensus on Hindi as a connecting language. However, the 1992 policy recognized that the implementation of this component (three languages) of the 1968 policy has been notably inconsistent due to Hindi speaking northern states negligence towards implementing any other states language as third language in Education. This gave raise to tensions in the Southern parts rejecting to do the same with Hindi as third language. The policy implementation lost its purpose in the long run.

Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan launched in 2018, has been strengthened under NEP 2020 to focus on experimental learning and foundational literacy. The SSA funding structure varies according to states and Union Territories.

·      States and union territories (UTs) with legislatures obtain 60% of central funding.

·      Northeastern and Himalayan states receive 90% central funding.

·      Union Territories without legislatures receive full funding (100%) from the centre.

Tamil Nadu refused to adopt significant components of NEP 2022, especially the three-language policy, has led the centre to withhold Rupees 573 crore in educational support through the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA). As per policy regulations, states are required to adhere to NEP directives to obtain SSA funding, of which 60% is supplied by the central government; however, states like Tamil Nadu have declined to conform to the policy. Tamil Nadu Government considers NEP as an imposition of Hindi and asserts that it will uphold its two-language policy.

A different aspect of the language problem is its influence on education in Tamil Nadu. The language used for teaching in schools greatly affects language skills and social advancement. Although Tamil is the main language of instruction in numerous government schools, there has been a growing demand for English education because of its perceived significance in the global economy. This establishes a division where students from less privileged economic backgrounds might miss out on quality English education, perpetuating social inequalities. Consequently, the educational environment is characterized by a conflict between maintaining Tamil and the need for English to achieve advancement, resulting in intricate discussions concerning curriculum criteria and language beliefs.

Additionally, the status of Tamil in higher education and professional fields adds complexity to the language matter. Although Tamil is recognized as a classical language, the focus on English in educational and professional environments frequently sidelines Tamil speakers. The belief that being skilled in English is crucial for achievement results in gaps in job opportunities, especially for individuals who do not have access to English education. This situation prompts important inquiries regarding language inclusivity and the possible alienation of native Tamil speakers in a swiftly globalizing environment.

In the realm of politics, language remains an influential instrument for mobilization. Politicians frequently exploit linguistic identity to rally support, using language-based rhetoric to connect with regional emotions in Tamil Nadu. Language transforms into a conflict zone not just for cultural heritage but also for political advantage, highlighting its significance in the wider power relationships of the government. For example, in state elections, language matters often overshadow campaign discussions, highlighting the deep relationship between language, politics, and identity in Tamil Nadu.

The language problem in Tamil Nadu poses numerous difficulties moving forward. Additionally, the residents of Tamil Nadu are posing a straightforward question: why compel individuals to learn a language that has no relevance in the daily lives of the locals? It is indeed necessary that Policymakers need to manage the careful balance of encouraging Tamil while providing access to English education, thus promoting linguistic diversity without compromising regional identities. However, the issue of imposing Hindi must be addressed thoughtfully within the delicate realm of education and academic discussions, respecting the evolution of languages and people's preferences, rather than colluding them for mere political motives.

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